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Indymedia: O Στρατός του George Soros

 
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ΔημοσίευσηΔημοσιεύθηκε: Σαβ Δεκ 13, 2008 3:18 pm    Θέμα δημοσίευσης: Indymedia: O Στρατός του George Soros Απάντηση με παράθεση αυτού του μηνύματος

Indymedia: O Στρατός του George Soros οργανώνεται. Παγκοσμιοποίηση και Δικτύωση τεχνητής αναρχίας

Αυτό που διαπιστώσαμε με τα γεγονότα που ακολούθησαν τον θάνατο του "συντρόφου" Αλέξη είναι ότι για πρώτη φορά το δίκτυο Indymedia του George Soros δοκιμάζει την δυνατότητα ταυτόχρονης αναρχικής δράσης σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο.
Ακόμα και στην Τουρκία , που δεν φημίζεται για την δημοκρατική αντιμετώπιση ταραξιών, βρέθηκαν κάποιοι να επιτεθούν στην Ελληνική Πρεσβεία. Βέβαια και μόνο το ότι ο στόχος ήταν Ελληνικός...είναι ικανός λόγος να απουσιάζουν οι Τουρκικές αρχές. Η πρώτη δοκιμή τηλεχειριζόμενης αναρχικής διαδήλωσης ήταν το γιαούρτωμα του Αλογοσκούφη από πλουσιόπαιδα που σπουδάζουν στην Αγγλία με τα λεφτά του ΛΗΣΤΗ μπαμπά τους.
O Soros έχει χρηματοδοτήσει και επιτύχει ΠΟΛΛΕΣ "επαναστάσεις" που αποσκοπούσαν σε ανακατατάξεις εξουσίας με σκοπό τα "επαναστατημένα" κράτη να υποχρεωθούν να υποταχθούν στον ΑΜΕΡΙΚΑΝΙΚΟ έλεγχο. Χάρη στον "φιλάνθρωπο" Soros... οι Αμερικάνοι στήνουν ΝΕΕΣ πυρηνικές κεφαλές στην Πολωνία και καλλιεργούν έναν ΝΕΟ ΨΥΧΡΟ ΠΟΛΕΜΟ που πλέον δύσκολα θα παραμείνει ψυχρός για πολύ καιρό. Αυτός είναι ο λόγος που ο Soros χρηματοδοτεί ΚΑΘΕ ΠΑΡΑΓΟΝΤΑ που αποδομεί την συνοχή των κρατών που έχει βάλει στο στόχαστρο. Αυτός είναι ο λόγος που χρηματοδοτεί τους ΑΝΑΡΧΙΚΟΥΣ σε κράτη με εδραιωμένη Δημοκρατία, που χρηματοδοτεί τους εθνικιστές της FYROM ενώ εκεί υπάρχει σοβαρό έλλειμα Δημοκρατίας. Αυτός είναι ο λόγος που χρηματοδοτεί Δημοσιογράφους που έχουν στήλες σε μεγάλες εφημερίδες ώστε να ΑΠΟΣΙΩΠΟΥΝΤΑΙ τυχόν δυσάρεστες αλήθειες που τον αφορούν.
Όταν δύο κακοπληρωμένοι Βολιβιανοί βρήκαν τραγικό θάνατο σε εργοτάξιο του Soros... ΔΕΝ ΚΟΥΝΗΘΗΚΕ ΦΥΛΛΟ στα Indymedia διότι ΞΕΡΟΥΝ ποιος πληρώνει την ύπαρξη του δικτύου. Τώρα που σκότωσαν τον Αλέξη, τον "φτωχό" σύντροφο, ...το θέμα πήρε παγκόσμιες διαστάσεις. Στα indymedia βρίσκουν λογικό να υπάρχουν ΠΛΟΥΣΙΟΠΑΙΔΑ...σύντροφοι κι αγωνιστές, βρίσκουν ΛΟΓΙΚΟ να έχουν χρηματοδότη τον μεγαλύτερο τυχοδιώκτη του πλανήτη...και θεωρούν ΛΟΓΙΚΟ να επιτίθονται στον Ελληνισμό...που είναι ο μόνος λόγος για τον οποίο υπάρχουμε ως χώρα στους χάρτες της Γης . ΑΥΤΟ ΘΕΛΕΙ ΝΑ ΠΕΤΥΧΕΙ Ο SOROS...ΑΥΤΟ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΠΟΥ ΓΙΝΕΤΑΙ. Μία ακόμα φιλοαμερικανική "ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΗ" που θα φέρει στην εξουσία τον...Έλληνα Σακασβίλι-Παπανδρέου. Τα κακομαθημένα δεκαπεντάχρονα πιθηκάκια του Indymedia...έχουν επαρκή αποθέματα βλακείας στον εγκέφαλο ώστε ΝΑ ΜΗΝ ΚΑΤΑΛΑΒΑΙΝΟΥΝ ΓΙΑ ΠΟΙΟΝ ΔΟΥΛΕΥΟΥΝ. Τους καθοδηγούν και τους φορτίζουν τεχνητά με ΜΙΣΟΣ διάφοροι ΚΑΛΟΠΛΗΡΩΜΕΝΑ υποκείμενα της δημοσιογραφίας και της πολιτικής που θεωρούν ότι ΟΛΑ είναι θεμιτά...για ν'ανέβουν ελαφρώς τα ποσοστά του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ στις δημοσκοπήσεις. Απέναντι στην ΠΑΡΑΦΡΟΣΥΝΗ των ΑΡΡΩΣΤΗΜΕΝΩΝ οπαδών του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ έχουν ταχθεί ΟΛΕΣ οι πολιτικές δυνάμεις ... ΠΛΗΝ του ΠΑΣΟΚ και της εξουσιομανίας του το οποίο ξεφτιλίζεται καθημερινά ικετεύοντας για μία συνεργασία με τον κουραμπιέ που λέγεται ΤΣΙΠΡΑΣ. ...
Αυτά τα πλουσιόπαιδα του Indymedia και του ADSL λοιπόν, που κάνουν την επανάστασή τους, επειδή ο πλούσιος μπαμπάς τους απατάει τη μάνα τους με φτωχές μικρούλες και οι ίδιοι μεγάλωσαν μοναχικά μπροστά σ'ένα DVD Player κι ένα PLAYSTATION , δικτυώνονται κι αποφασίζουν να δράσουν κόντρα στην μονοτονία και την εύκολη ζωή που τους εξασφάλισαν οι ΑΝΥΠΑΡΚΤΟΙ αλλά πλούσιοι γονείς τους οι οποίοι πιστεύουν ότι τα χοντρά χαρτζηλίκια στις τσέπες των παιδιών τους αποσπούν την προσοχή τους από την μιζέρια της διαλυμένης τους οικογένειας και την παντελή έλλειψη αρχών και ιδανικών. Κάπως έτσι ο σχεδόν ανήλικος γιός του βουλευτή του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ Νίκου Βούτση κυκλοφορούσε με όπλα και χειροβομβίδες, έκανε ληστεία σε τράπεζα παρόλο που τα χρήματα ΔΕΝ έλειπαν από το σπίτι ενός πολιτικού με αμοιβές που ξεπερνούν τις 8.000 ευρώ...ΜΗΝΙΑΙΩΣ. 12 βασικοί μισθοί στις τσέπες ενός πολιτικού ΣΕ ΜΗΝΙΑΙΑ ΒΑΣΗ δεν αρκούν για να σταματήσουν τον γιο του Νίκου Βούτση να τρομοκρατεί και να απειλεί τις ζωές και τις περιουσίες τρίτων. Αυτός ο μπαμπάς ΤΡΟΜΟΚΡΑΤΗ είναι εκλεγμένος βουλευτής και θεωρείται ΕΠΑΡΚΗΣ και ΙΚΑΝΟΣ ως επίδοξος ηγέτης της κακόμοιρης Ελλάδας. Το κόστος των διαδηλώσεων στην αγορά ανήλθε στα 50.000.000 ευρώ που έγιναν στάχτη και θρύψαλα όπως και 2500 θέσεις εργασίας. 50.000.000 ευρώ που ΔΕΝ ΠΡΟΚΕΙΤΑΙ ΝΑ ΣΤΕΡΗΘΟΥΝ ΟΥΤΕ ο Βουλγαράκης , ΟΥΤΕ ο Ρουσόπουλος, ΟΥΤΕ ο Ευφραίμ, ΟΥΤΕ ο Πάπιστας ... αγαπητοί φωστήρες επαναστάτες του INDYMEDIA. Ο καταχρεωμένος περιπτεράς θα πληρώσει την αναζήτηση δράσης των βαριεστημένων πλουσιόπαιδων από τα Βόρεια Προάστια. Οι πρόσφατες διαδηλώσεις ήταν Η ΜΕΓΑΛΥΤΕΡΗ και ΠΙΟ ΑΝΤΙΛΑΙΚΗ πράξη που θα μπορούσε να λάβει ποτέ χώρα στην Ελλάδα. Μία τεράστια και καταστροφική στημμένη και προγραμματισμένη διαδήλωση στην οποία...εντελώς "τυχαία" ... ΚΑΝΕΝΑ ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟ ΑΥΤΟΚΙΝΗΤΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΥ δεν χτυπήθηκε, ΚΑΜΙΑ ΒΙΛΑ στην Εκάλη δεν υπέστη ζημιές, ΚΑΝΕΝΑ ΓΙΩΤ και ΚΑΝΕΝΑ ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟ Lear Jet δεν υπέστη την παραμικρή φθορά. Οι φτωχοί έγιναν...φτωχότεροι με τα ΕΞΥΠΝΑ χτυπήματα των κουκουλοφόρων μασκαράδων. Στοχοποιήθηκαν οι μεροκαματιάρηδες της Πατησίων. Με το δικό τους αίμα χτίστηκαν οι επαύλεις των ληστών πολιτικών, αγοράστηκαν τα σκάφη τους, και φούσκωσαν οι λογαριασμοί τους στην Ελβετία...και τώρα δέχθηκαν την χαριστική βολή από τα κακομαθημένα παιδιά των ιδίων ξεπουλημένων πολιτικών. ΘΑ ΗΤΑΝ ΑΔΙΑΝΟΗΤΟ ο γιος του ΠΑΜΠΛΟΥΤΟΥ ΑΛΑΒΑΝΟΥ ή του ΒΟΥΤΣΗ να πετάξουν μολότωφ στις βίλες της Εκάλης. Θα ήταν αδιανόητο ο γιος του Αλαβάνου να έκαιγε και να υποβάθμιζε το ΞΕΝΟ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ στο οποίο σπούδασε. Αντιθέτως τα ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ ΙΔΡΥΜΑΤΑ όπου σπουδάζουν ΔΩΡΕΑΝ τα φτωχά παιδιά των εμπόρων της Πατησίων ...ΠΡΕΠΕΙ ΝΑ ΚΑΟΥΝ και να ΓΚΡΕΜΙΣΤΟΥΝ ώστε να οδηγηθούν ΟΛΟΙ ...και ΑΝΑΓΚΑΣΤΙΚΑ στα ιδιωτικά ιδρύματα. Μέχρι τότε όμως θα πρέπει να υφιστάμεθα οικονομικά αυτή την ΚΑΘΙΕΡΩΜΕΝΗ ετήσια καταστροφή και καταλήστευση των πανεπιστημίων , πράξεις που ΛΑΤΡΕΥΟΥΝ και ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΕΥΟΥΝ συστηματικά οι Πρυτανικές αρχές καθώς έτσι ξαναγεμίζουν τις τσέπες τους με μίζες από την προμήθεια (πραγματική και εικονική) ΝΕΟΥ εξοπλισμού για τις ανάγκες της Δημόσιας Παιδείας. Παρέχουν ΑΣΥΛΟ ... ΜΟΝΟ σε αυτούς που καίνε και όχι σ'αυτούς που ο Ελληνας φορολογούμενος πληρώνει για να προστατεύουν την περιουσία του. Αν είσαι ΠΑΡΑΝΟΜΟΣ δικαιούσαι να χαρείς το ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΑΚΟ ΑΣΥΛΟ, ενώ αν είσαι εκπρόσωπος του νόμου...και του Έλληνα φορολογούμενου...στέκεσαι άπραγος από έξω και αφήνεις να καεί το σύμπαν διότι από τη φωτιά...κάποια γίνονται πλουσιότεροι.
Ο Soros πλουτίζει με χρηματιστηριακές επιθέσεις στις οικονομίες ολόκληρων κρατών. Φυσικά έχει επενδύσει και στην πολεμική βιομηχανία η οποία είναι το απραίτητο στήριγμα σε κάθε ΒΙΑΙΗ αλλαγή καθεστώτος με ΨΕΥΤΙΚΕΣ επαναστάσεις που σχεδιάζουν οι Αμερικανοί.
Ο Soros , όπως και η οικογένεια Bin Ladin επένδυσε στην εταιρία του Bush που λέγεται Carlyle Group και που προσέφερε ΠΟΛΛΑ κέρδη από την πώληση οπλικών συστημάτων που χρησιμοποιήθηκαν ενάντια σε άμαχο πληθυσμό. (Ψευδώς εμφανίζουν τον Soros δήθεν εχθρό του Bush) . Στα indymedia ... ΑΠΑΓΟΡΕΥΕΤΑΙ να μιλάς για τον Soros. Ο πρωήν πράκτορας της κομμουνιστικής KGB που λέγεται ΠΟΥΤΙΝ...είναι φασίστας για τον Soros...και για τα Indymedia. Είναι γνωστές οι προσπάθειες του Soros να ρίξουν τον Πούτιν από την εξουσία που διανοήθηκε να ΜΗΝ ξεπουλήσει την Ρωσσία όπως έκανε ο PizzaHut-Γκορμπατσώφ. Είναι φασίστες όσοι είναι περήφανοι για τον Ελληνισμό. Στα indymedia είναι ΑΝΥΠΑΡΚΤΗ η κριτική στα γεράκια του Bush και συνεταιράκια του Soros. Ακόμα και το Γκουντάναμο είναι ΑΝΥΠΑΡΚΤΟ. Υπάρχει όμως η "μακεδονική" μειονότητα , (οι 60 πράκτορες της FYROM) , και φυσικά ο ΙΟΣ της Ελευθεροτυπίας κι άλλοι ΓΝΩΣΤΟΙ ΚΑΛΟΠΛΗΡΩΕΝΟΙ ΠΡΟΘΥΜΟΙ που ηδονίζονται μέσα από την φωτιά και τον εμφύλιο. Η πρόσφατη επίθεση των κουκουλοφόρων στα γραφεία της Εφημερίδας ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ... είχε σχέση και με τον διευθυντή της ΚΩΣΤΑ ΖΟΥΡΑΡΙ που αποκάλυψε την αθλιότητα της Ρεπούση και με την πατριωτική στάση του εντύπου έναντι όλων των φιλοσκοπιανών που έχουν κατακλύσει τον Αθηναϊκό Τύπο. Όταν αποφασίζεις να κάψεις την Ελληνική Σημαία...αντί για τη βίλα του ληστή... στοχεύεις στον εμφύλιο κι όχι στην δικαιοσύνη. Το μόνο σίγουρο είναι ότι ΚΑΝΕΝΑΣ ΑΛΗΤΗΣ της ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ και ΚΑΝΕΝΑΣ από αυτούς που ήπιαν το αίμα του κατεστραμμένου Έλληνα ... ΔΕΝ βρήκε απέναντί του τα Indymedia των LSD-φλώρων από τα Βόρεια Προάστια. Oι αστυνομικοί τρέμουν να τους ακουμπήσουν για να μην μπλέξουν με τους πανίσχυρους κι αλήτες μπαμπάδες τους. Έτσι οι καταχρεωμένοι επίσης αστυνομικοί για 1000 ευρώ τον μήνα κάθονται υπομονετικά μέχρι οι "επαναστάτες" της Εκάλης να ξεδώσουν και να ξενερώσουν. Οι κανακάρηδες της επανάστασης του Indymedia των οποίων οι μπαμπάδες κερδίζουν τα εικοσαπλάσια από τους κακούς μπάτσους φροντίζουν για τη δημιουργία ΤΡΟΜΟΥ, για την εντατικοποίηση της Αστυνόμευσης και για την υποχώρηση της Ελλάδας σε θέματα προσωπικών δεδομένων στα οποία θέλουν να βάλουν χέρι οι ΗΠΑ. Τα παιδιά των ληστών του Δημοσίου πλούτου είναι αυτά που καίνε τα περίπτερα των αναπήρων. Για τους παράφρονες των Indymedia ... η καθηγήτρια Τζάνη είναι η ΑΠΕΙΛΗ για την Δημοκρατία...κι όχι το Γκουντάναμο ή η λέσχη Bilderberg. Με τον ίδιο τρόπο κάποτε το ΚΚΕ όπλισε τους αγράμματους Έλληνες και τους έπεισε να ΑΛΛΗΛΟΣΚΟΤΩΘΟΥΝ για τη "ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ" που εκπροσωπούσε ο θείος Στάλιν. Κάπως έτσι οι Ερυθρές Ταξιαρχίες στην Ιταλία ΕΚΤΕΛΕΣΑΝ τον ΜΟΝΟ πολιτικό που πρότεινε συγκυβέρνηση με το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα της Ιταλία. Κάπως έτσι οι καθυστερημενοι αδερφοί Dalton-ΞΗΡΟΙ...φρόντισαν να εδραιωθεί η παντοδυναμία ΟΛΩΝ των ξεπουλημένων αμερικανόφιλων εκδοτών και πολιτικών.
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ΔημοσίευσηΔημοσιεύθηκε: Κυρ Δεκ 14, 2008 3:18 pm    Θέμα δημοσίευσης: Απάντηση με παράθεση αυτού του μηνύματος

Παλιο αλλα παντα επικαιρο. Θα στησουν τεντες στο Συνταγμα οπως εκαναν στην Ουκρανια τα Σωρακια? Και θα ζητουν λαικη υποστηριξη στην νεοταξικη λαιλαιπα που σχεδιαζουν με την ανατροπη των λαικων συνειδησεων για ακομα πιο σκοτεινα σχεδια.


The price of People Power
The Ukraine street protests have followed a pattern of western orchestration set in the 80s. I know - I was a cold war bagman

* Mark Almond
* guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 7 December 2004 00.01 GMT
* Article history

People Power is on track to score another triumph for western values in Ukraine. Over the last 15 years, the old Soviet bloc has witnessed recurrent fairy tale political upheavals. These modern morality tales always begin with a happy ending. But what happens to the people once People Power has won?

The upheaval in Ukraine is presented as a battle between the people and Soviet-era power structures
. The role of western cold war-era agencies is taboo. Poke your nose into the funding of the lavish carnival in Kiev, and the shrieks of rage show that you have touched a neuralgic point of the New World Order.

All politics costs money, and the crowd scenes broadcast daily from Kiev cost big bucks. Market economics may have triumphed, but if Milton Friedman were to remind the recipients of free food and drink in Independence Square that "there is no such thing as a free lunch", he would doubtless be branded a Stalinist. Few seem to ask what the people paying for People Power want in return for sponsoring all those rock concerts.

As an old cold war swagman, who carried tens of thousands of dollars to Soviet-bloc dissidents alongside much better respected academics, perhaps I can cast some light on what a Romanian friend called "our clandestine period". Too many higher up the food chain of People Power seem reticent about making full disclosure.

Nowadays, we can google the names of foundations such as America's National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and a myriad surrogates funding Ukraine's Pora movement or "independent" media. But unless you know the NED's James Woolsey was also head of the CIA 10 years ago, are you any wiser?

Throughout the 1980s, in the build-up to 1989's velvet revolutions, a small army of volunteers - and, let's be frank, spies - co-operated to promote what became People Power. A network of interlocking foundations and charities mushroomed to organise the logistics of transferring millions of dollars to dissidents. The money came overwhelmingly from Nato states and covert allies such as "neutral" Sweden.

It is true that not every penny received by dissidents came from taxpayers. The US billionaire, George Soros, set up the Open Society Foundation. How much it gave is difficult to verify, because Mr Soros promotes openness for others, not himself.

Engels remarked that he saw no contradiction between making a million on the stock market in the morning and spending it on the revolution in the afternoon. Our modern market revolutionaries are now inverting that process. People beholden to them come to office with the power to privatise.

The hangover from People Power is shock therapy. Each successive crowd is sold a multimedia vision of Euro-Atlantic prosperity by western-funded "independent" media to get them on the streets. No one dwells on the mass unemployment, rampant insider dealing, growth of organised crime, prostitution and soaring death rates in successful People Power states.

In 1989, our security services honed an ideal model as a mechanism for changing regimes, often using genuine volunteers. Dislike of the way communist states constrained ordinary people's lives led me into undercover work, but witnessing mass pauperisation and cynical opportunism in the 1990s bred my disillusionment.

Of course, I should have recognised the symptoms of corruption earlier. Back in the 1980s, our media portrayed Prague dissidents as selfless academics who were reduced to poverty for their principles, when they were in fact receiving $600-monthly stipends. Now they sit in the front row of the new Euro-Atlantic ruling class. The dowdy do-gooder who seemed so devoted to making sure that every penny of her "charity" money got to a needy recipient is now a facilitator for investors in our old stamping grounds. The end of history was the birth of consultancy.

Grown cynical, the dissident types who embezzled the cash to fund, say, a hotel in the Buda hills did less harm than those that launched politico-media careers. In Poland, the ex-dissident Adam Michnik's Agora media empire - worth €400m today - grew out of the underground publishing world of Solidarity, funded by the CIA in the 1980s. His newspapers now back the war in Iraq, despite its huge unpopularity among Poles.

Meanwhile, from the shipyard workers who founded Solidarity in 1980 to the Kolubara miners of Serbia, who proclaimed their town "the Gdansk of Serbia" in October 2000, millions now have plenty of time on their hands to read about their role in history.

People Power is, it turns out, more about closing things than creating an open society. It shuts factories but, worse still, minds. Its advocates demand a free market in everything - except opinion. The current ideology of New World Order ideologues, many of whom are renegade communists, is Market-Leninism - that combination of a dogmatic economic model with Machiavellian methods to grasp the levers of power.

Today's only superpower uses its old cold war weapons, not against totalitarian regimes, but against governments that Washington has tired of. Tiresome allies such as Shevardnadze in Georgia did everything the US wanted, but forgot the Soviet satirist Ilf's wisdom: "It doesn't matter whether you love the Party. It matters whether the Party loves you."

Georgia is of course a link in the chain of pipelines bringing central Asian oil and gas to Nato territory via Ukraine, of all places. Such countries' rulers should beware. Fifty years ago, Zbigniew Brzezinski argued that the "politics of the permanent purge" typified Soviet communism. Yet now he is always on hand to demand People Power topple yesterday's favourite in favour of a new "reformer".

"People Power" was coined in 1986, when Washington decided Ferdinand Marcos had to go. But it was events in Iran in 1953 that set the template. Then, Anglo-American money stirred up anti-Mossadeq crowds to demand the restoration of the Shah. The New York Times's correspondent trumpeted the victory of the people over communism, even though he had given $50,000 and the CIA-drafted text of the anti-Mossadeq declaration to the coup leaders himself.

Is today's official version of People Power similarly economical with the truth?

· Mark Almond is lecturer in modern history at Oriel College, Oxford
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ΔημοσίευσηΔημοσιεύθηκε: Κυρ Δεκ 14, 2008 3:36 pm    Θέμα δημοσίευσης: Απάντηση με παράθεση αυτού του μηνύματος

Αυτο το αρθρο εξυγει πως παιζεται το εργο στην Ουκρανια και στην υπολοιπη Αν. Ευρωπη.

Εβαλαν τεντες, εφτιαξαν μαγειρια, καλεσαν κοσμο να καταδικαζη την κυβερνηση επι εβδομαδες απ'το κεντρο των πολεων, κατελαβαν ραδιοτηλεοπτικους σταθμους, εβαλαν λουλουδια στα οπλα των μπατσων θυμιζοντας ολους τον Μαιο του 1968 (το ιδιο εκαναν εχτες στην Αθηνα) και παρεμπιπτωντας πληρωνονται ολοι απο Αμερικανικα κεντρα...



The East Turned Upside Down
Carnival and conspiracy in Ukraine

Jesse Walker | November 30, 2004

Thousands of Ukrainians establish enormous tent cities in Kiev, braving the cold to protest an election they say was stolen. Volunteers distribute stew and coffee, warm clothes and medical care, balloons for children. Students seize government buildings; the workers there feed them. The staffers at UT1, the state TV station, declare that they're tired of "telling the government's lies" and announce, live, that they're going to join the protests.
Outside the presidential administration building, demonstrators put flowers in the shields of the riot cops—an echo, surely deliberate, of one of the most famous images of the '60s. Members of the central resistance group, Pora, urge the police to disobey if the authorities tell them to crack down. Thus far, the order hasn't come—in part, Pora suspects, because the government is worried it will be refused.

As fragments of news flutter in from Ukraine, different storylines have tried to assert themselves. The dominant account in the west says that Viktor Yushchenko, the opposition candidate who was probably cheated at the polls, is a democratic reformer eager to overturn the kleptocracy that runs the country. Warier voices warn that Yushchenko's camp includes its share of oligarchs as well, and that the candidate does not have a consistent history of dissent. Several reports espy a struggle between eastern and western Ukraine. Further left and further right, some paint the drama as a proxy fight between the U.S. and Russia. Still others say that angle has been overstated.

They all agree on one thing: Behind the carnival in the streets, a deeper narrative is unfolding. And on that much, at least, they're all correct. But the carnival is a significant story in itself, an event much larger than either Yushchenko or the autocrat he wants to bring down.

The building blocks of politics are violence and consent: No state can exist without the threat of coercion, and none can exist unless its subjects are generally willing to acquiesce to its demands. As Foucault said in Power/Knowledge, "If power were never anything but repressive, if it never did anything but say no, do you really think anyone would be brought to obey it?" It requires the compliance of the governed. They must be persuaded to stay in their place.

But sometimes they reject their place in the pyramid; sometimes, indeed, they act as though the pyramid isn't there. If enough people ignore their orders, the whole edifice can crumble. Even the force of the government's arms can fade if the men who wield those arms refuse to use them. "If not one thing is yielded" to tyrants, wrote the sixteenth-centurty libertarian Étienne de la Boétie, "if, without any violence they are simply not obeyed, they become naked and undone and as nothing, just as, when the root receives no nourishment, the branch withers and dies." Such militant nonviolence deposed King James II in 1688 and Baby Doc Duvalier in 1986. It won independence for India in 1947 and for Eastern Europe in 1989. In the last half-decade, it has deposed Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia and Eduard Shevardnadze in Georgia. Now it is alive in the avenues of Kiev.

Those last three uprisings, along with an unsuccessful revolt in Belarus, have left some observers more suspicious than inspired. Otpor, the group that overthrew Milosevic, received some funds from the U.S. government via the National Endowment for Democracy and the Agency for International Development. Veterans of Otpor helped train the Kmara movement in Georgia, the Zubr movement in Belarus, and the Pora movement in Ukraine. The revolutions they inspired—part Yippie street theater, part Gandhian resistance—got a hand from some of the same financial sources, including George Soros's Open Society Institute. Washington has endorsed them warmly.

For some pundits, this adds up to a western conspiracy. In New Statesman, Mark Almond declares that "the two Georges"—Bush and Soros—may be enemies back in the States, "but outside America the missionaries of Soros's lavishly funded 'Open Society' foundations march in parallel columns with the Bush administration." In The Guardian, Ian Traynor argues that the campaigns were "an American creation, a sophisticated and brilliantly conceived exercise in western branding and mass marketing that, in four countries in four years, has been used to try to salvage rigged elections and topple unsavoury regimes." He didn't use the phrase, but he was essentially comparing the revolts to viral marketing, the advertising technique in which publicists try to turn the illusion of buzz into the real thing—say, by posing as teenagers in chatrooms and talking up a new CD.

There's a bit of truth to this story, but only a drop. The resistance movements are indeed interrelated, and American money did help nudge them forward. But there's no evidence that they're a creation, let alone a catspaw, of the United States. "The whole U.S. assistance thing is way overplayed," argues Jack DuVall, president of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict and co-author of A Force More Powerful, a history of "people power" revolutions. "It's an aspect of Washington-centrism that if the United States thinks favorably about something, or someone inside the Beltway thinks favorably about something, that must mean that person is responsible for it having occurred. Which of course is absurd." For one thing, DuVall points out, the offices in Washington that have assisted these groups are not exactly close to the Bush administration. For another, the U.S. government is hardly the only institution that has aided the uprisings. (When Otpor was fighting Milosevic, it posted all its donors on its website, in real time, to demonstrate the international breadth of its support. The diverse list undermined the claim that it was a tool of a foreign power.)

Most important, says DuVall, "You can't simply parachute Karl Rove into a country and manufacture a revolution." You need, he explains, a mass movement that's rooted in civil society, tuned to local conditions, and willing to take risks. Outside aid can be helpful. It can hurt the cause, too, by opening the rebels to charges of foreign manipulation or by fostering a dependence on grants. But in a successful insurrection, it plays a marginal role; change has to be built on the ground, not abroad. Otherwise, you get a dud like Zubr, the Otpor clone in Belarus that, as the Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe put it in a 2003 report, "was [an] artificially created organization built by Western donors around a romantic appeal and relying on paid activists to distribute materials. In the end...it was unsupportable because it lacked a true base." That wasn't the case in Serbia and Georgia, and it doesn't seem to be the case in Ukraine.

"These movements are basically grassroots," agrees Gene Sharp, the most prominent theorist of nonviolent action. "They have said that they're not part of the U.S. government—that 'we'd be better off financially if we were, but we're not.'" The latter point is underscored by Discoshaman, the blogger behind the invaluable Ukrainian site Le Sabot Post-Moderne. "Anyone who spent any time around the Yushchenko campaign, PORA or the like would find the idea of a Western-organized conspiracy laughable," he writes. "Even by national standards, things are chaotic. NO ONE expected a social outburst of this magnitude, and organizationally no one was prepared for it. Everything people are doing has an ad hoc flavor to it."

"The only way you can get hundreds of thousands of people in the streets," DuVall adds, "is by stating the reason for action in terms that appeal to the deeply felt grievances of these people. And the way in which that appeal is made can only be understood by people who live in those countries. The desire for freedom is universal, but it can only be activated by good old-fashioned political organizing." Mind you, not everyone has the same grievances. In eastern Ukraine, where the population is more conservative and is culturally closer to Russia, there's been talk of seceding if Yushchenko prevails. They've been holding their own rallies; some areas have instigated a tax revolt. One potential outcome, if the secessionists really represent local public opinion, is two competing peaceful movements for change.

Another potential outcome, of course, is civil war. There's no guarantee the secessionists will stick to Pora's peaceful tactics—and there's no guarantee Yushchenko will remain nonviolent if he takes office. Even a peaceful transformation can have a brutal aftermath. Compare the English revolutions of 1642 and 1688. The first was violent; the second was not. The first established a theocracy; the second advanced religious liberty. The first created a centralized dictatorship; the second put limits on the executive. But both installed regimes that promptly screwed the Irish.

Still, the very experience of overthrowing a government this way—of building independent institutions, diffusing power through civil society, and learning first-hand that it's possible to say no to authority—unleashes something that's hard for any politician to control. Those tent cities aren't merely a demand for freedom. They're acts of freedom themselves: of men and women voluntarily assembled both to defy the old order and to build something new.
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vngelis



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ΔημοσίευσηΔημοσιεύθηκε: Δευ Δεκ 15, 2008 6:13 pm    Θέμα δημοσίευσης: Απάντηση με παράθεση αυτού του μηνύματος

Πως οργανωνουν οι Αμερικανοι τις ανατροπες.
Η Νεα Γκλαντιο σε εφαρμογη λεει το αρθρο.

Το σημαντικο ομως ειναι η οργανωση που γινεται με ΣΜΣ, με συζητησεις στα φορουμ, με προοθηση των νεοταξικων αποψεων χρησιμοποιοντας ολες τις τελευταιες τεχνολογιες ιδιαιτερα το ιντερνετ και τα ηλεκτρονικα παιχνιδια. Ο σκοπος ειναι διπολικος για ν'αλλαξη η κοινη γνωμη να χρησιμοποιουνε ειρηνικους τροπους στις διαδηλωσεις και συγκρουσιακους ταυτοχρονα.

Ετσι θα πρεπει να λειτουγουν οι συνασπισμενοι προφανως...

_____________________________________________________________


The New Gladio In Action?

Coup d'État in Disguise:
Washington's New World Order "Democratization" Template
by Jonathan Mowat


www.globalresearch.ca 9 February 2005

The URL of this article is: http://globalresearch.ca/articles/MOW502A.html



Ukrainian Post Modern Coup completes testing of New Template

The U.S. government and allied forces' year-end installation of Victor Yushchenko as President of Ukraine have completed the field-testing of the "Post Modern Coup". Employing and fine-tuning the same sophisticated techniques used in Serbia in 2000 and Georgia in 2003 (and unsuccessfully in Belarus in 2001), it is widely expected that the United States will attempt to apply the same methods throughout the former Soviet Union.

"We have to confront those forces that are committed to reproduce a Georgian or Ukrainian scenario," Kyrgyz President Askar Akayev stated on December 26, the day of the coup, "we'll not allow the import of Rose [Georgian] and Orange [Ukrainian] revolutions in our country." One day later, the Kazakh government launched a criminal case against the Soros Foundation for tax evasion, one of the coups' financiers. And last spring, Uzbek President Islam Karimov accused Soros of overseeing the revolution in Georgia, and condemning his efforts to "fool and brainwash" young intelligentsia in his own country, banned the group. The same networks are also increasingly active in South America, Africa, and Asia. Top targets include Venezuela, Mozambique, and Iran, among others.

The method employed is usefully described by The Guardian's Ian Traynor in a November 26, 2004 article entitled "US campaign behind the turmoil in Kiev," during the first phase of the coup:

"With their websites and stickers, their pranks and slogans aimed at banishing widespread fear of a corrupt regime, the democracy guerrillas of the Ukrainian Pora youth movement have already notched up a famous victory - whatever the outcome of the dangerous stand-off in Kiev.

[T]he campaign is an American creation, a sophisticated and brilliantly conceived exercise in western branding and mass marketing that, in four countries in four years, has been used to try to salvage rigged elections and topple unsavory regimes.

Funded and organized by the US government, deploying US consultancies, pollsters, diplomats, the two big American parties and US non-government organizations, the campaign was first used in Europe in Belgrade in 2000 to beat Slobodan Milosevic at the ballot box.

Richard Miles, the US ambassador in Belgrade, played a key role. And by last year, as US ambassador in Tbilisi, he repeated the trick in Georgia, coaching Mikhail Saakashvili in how to bring down Eduard Shevardnadze. Ten months after the success in Belgrade, the US ambassador in Minsk, Michael Kozak, a veteran of similar operations in central America, notably in Nicaragua, organized a near identical campaign to try to defeat the Belarus hardman, Alexander Lukashenko.

The operation - engineering democracy through the ballot box and civil disobedience - is now so slick that the methods have matured into a template for winning other people's elections"

Much of the coup apparatus is the same that was used in the overthrow of President Fernando Marcos of the Philippines in 1986, the Tiananmen Square destabilization in 1989, and Vaclav Havel's "Velvet revolution" in Czechoslovakia in 1989.

As in these early operations, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), and its primary arms, the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) and International Republican Institute (IRI), played a central role. The NED was established by the Reagan Administration in 1983, to do overtly, what the CIA had done covertly, in the words of one its legislative drafters, Allen Weinstein.

The Cold War propaganda and operations center, Freedom House , now chaired by former CIA director James Woolsey, has also been involved, as were billionaire George Soros' foundations, whose donations always dovetail those of the NED.

What is new about the template bears on the use of the Internet (in particular chat rooms, instant messaging, and blogsites) and cell phones (including text-messaging), to rapidly steer angry and suggestible "Generation X" youth into and out of mass demonstrations and the like -- a capability that only emerged in the mid-1990s.

"With the crushing ubiquity of cell phones, satellite phones, PCs, modems and the Internet," Laura Rosen emphasized in Salon Magazine on February 3, 2001,"the information age is shifting the advantage from authoritarian leaders to civic groups."


She might have mentioned the videogames that helped create the deranged mind-set of these "civic groups." The repeatedly emphasized role played by so-called "Discoshaman" and his girlfriend "Tulipgirl," in assisting the "Orange Revolution" through their aptly named blogsite, "Le Sabot Post-Moderne," (www.postmodernclog.com ) is indicative of the technical and sociological components involved.

A Civilian Revolution in Military Affairs

The emphasis on the use of new communication technologies to rapidly deploy small groups, suggests we are seeing is civilian application of Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's "Revolution in Military Affairs" doctrine, which depends on highly mobile small group deployments "enabled" by "real time" intelligence and communications.

Squads of soldiers taking over city blocks with the aid of "intelligence helmet" video screens that give them an instantaneous overview of their environment, constitute the military side. Bands of youth converging on targeted intersections in constant dialogue on cell phones, constitute the doctrine's civilian application. This parallel should not be surprising since the US military and National Security Agency subsidized the development of the Internet, cellular phones, and software platforms. From their inception, these technologies were studied and experimented with in order to find the optimal use in a new kind of warfare. The "revolution" in warfare that such new instruments permit has been pushed to the extreme by several specialists in psychological warfare. Although these military utopians have been working in high places (for example the RAND) for a very long time, to a large extent they only took over some of the most important command structures of the US military apparatus with the victory of the "neo-conservatives" in the Pentagon of Donald Rumsfeld.

The new techniques of warfare include the use of both lethal (violent) and non lethal (non violent) tactics. Both ways are conducted using the same philosophy, infrastructure, and modus operandi. It is what is known as Cyberwar. For example, the tactic of swarming is a fundamental element in both violent and non violent forms of warfare. This new philosophy of war, which is supposed to replicate the strategy of Genghis Khan as enhanced by modern technologies, is intended to aid both military and non-military assaults against targeted states through what are, in effect, "high tech" hordes. In that sense there is not difference, from the standpoint of the plotters, between Iraq or Ukraine, if only that many think the Ukraine-like coup is more effective and easier.

Indicative of the common objective are the comments of the theoreticians of the post modern coup, for example, Dr. Peter Ackerman, the author of "Strategic Nonviolent Conflict" (Praeger 1994). Writing in the "National Catholic Reporter" on April 26, 2002, Dr. Ackerman offered the following corrective to Bush's Axis of Evil speech targeting Iraq, Iran, and North Korea, which he otherwise approved: "It is not true that the only way to 'take out' such regimes is through U.S. military action."

Speaking at the "Secretary's Open Forum" at the State Department on June 29, 2004, in a speech entitled, "Between Hard and Soft Power: The Rise of Civilian-Based Struggle and Democratic Change, " Ackerman elaborated on the concept involved. He proposed that youth movements, such as those used to bring down Serbia, could bring down Iran and North Korea, and could have been used to bring down Iraq--thereby accomplishing all of Bush's objectives without relying on military means. And he reported that he has been working with the top US weapons designer, Lawrence Livermore Laboratories, on developing new communications technologies that could be used in other youth movement insurgencies. "There is no question that these technologies are democratizing," he stressed, in reference to their potential use in bringing down China, "they enable decentralized activity. They create, if you will, a digital concept of the right of assembly."

Dr. Ackerman is the founding chairman of International Center on Nonviolent Conflicts in Washington D.C, of which former US Air Force officer Jack DuVall is President. Together with former CIA director James Woolsey, DuVall also directs the Arlington Institute of Washington D.C., which was created by former Chief of Naval Operations advisor John L. Peterson in 1989 " to help redefine the concept of national security in much larger, comprehensive terms" it reports, through introducing "social value shifts into the traditional national defense equation."

"Swarming Adolescents" and "Rebellious hysteria"

As in the case of the new communication technologies, the potential effectiveness of angry youth in post modern coups has long been under study. As far back as 1967, Dr. Fred Emery, then director of the Tavistock Institute, and an expert on the "hypnotic effects" of television, specified that the then new phenomenon of "swarming adolescents" found at rock concerts could be effectively used to bring down the nation-state by the end of the 1990s. This was particularly the case, as Dr. Emery reported in "The next Thirty years: concepts, methods and anticipations,'' in the group's "Human Relations," because the phenomena was associated with "rebellious hysteria." The British Military created the Tavistock Institute as its psychological warfare arm following World War I; it has been the forerunner of such strategic planning ever since. Dr. Emery's concept saw immediate application in NATO's use of "swarming adolescents" in toppling French President Charles De Gaulle in 1967.

In November 1989, Case Western Reserve in Cleveland, Ohio, under the aegis of that university's "Program for Social Innovations in Global Management," began a series of conferences to review progress towards that strategic objective, which was reported on in "Human Relations" in 1991. There, Dr. Howard Perlmutter, a professor of "Social Architecture'' at the Wharton School, and a follower of Dr. Emery, stressed that "rock video in Katmandu," was an appropriate image of how states with traditional cultures could be destabilized, thereby creating the possibility of a "global civilization." There are two requirements for such a transformation, he added, "building internationally committed networks of international and locally committed organizations,'' and "creating global events" through "the transformation of a local event into one having virtually instantaneous international implications through mass-media." (Perlmutter on the origin of the concept of globalization : see quote.)

This brings us to the final ingredient of these new coups--the deployment of polling agencies' "exit polls" broadcast on international television to give the false (or sometimes accurate) impression of massive vote-fraud by the ruling party, to put targeted states on the defensive. Polling operations in the recent coups have been overseen by such outfits as Penn, Schoen and Berland , top advisors to Microsoft and Bill Clinton. Praising their role in subverting Serbia, then Secretary of State Madeleine Albright (and later on Chairman of NDI ) , in an October 2000 letter to the firm quoted on its website, stated: "Your work with the National Democratic Institute and the Yugoslav opposition contributed directly and decisively to the recent breakthrough for democracy in that country...This may be one of the first instances where polling has played such an important role in setting and securing foreign policy objectives." Penn, Schoen, together with the OSCE, also ran the widely televised "exit poll" operations in the Ukrainian elections.

In the aftermath of such youth deployments and media operations, more traditional elements come to the fore. That is, the forceful, if covert, intervention by international institutions and governments threatening the targeted regime, and using well placed operatives within the targeted regime's military and intelligence services to ensure no countermeasures can be effectively deployed. Without these traditional elements, of course, no post modern coup could ever work. Or, as Jack DuVall put it in Jesse Walker's "Carnavel and conspiracy in Ukraine," in Reason Online, November 30, 2004, "You can't simply parachute Karl Rove into a country and manufacture a revolution."

Gladio and James Bond get a youth group

The creation and deployment of coups of any kind requires agents on the ground. The main handler of these coups on the "street side" has been the Albert Einstein Institution, which was formed in 1983 as an offshoot of Harvard University under the impetus of Dr. Gene Sharp, and which specializes in "non violence as a form of warfare." Dr. Sharp had been the executive secretary of A.J. Muste, the famous U.S. Trotskyite labor organizer and peacenik. The group is funded by Soros and the NED. Albert Einstein's president is Col. Robert Helvey, a former US Army officer with 30 years of experience in South East Asia. He has served as the case officer for youth groups active in the Balkans and Eastern Europe since at least 1999.

Col. Helvey reports, in a January 29, 2001 interview with film producer Steve York in Belgrade, that he first got involved in "strategic nonviolence" upon seeing the failure of military approaches to toppling dictators--especially in Myanmar, where he had been stationed as military attaché--and seeing the potential of Sharp's alternative approach. According to B. Raman, the former director of India's foreign intelligence agency, RAW, in a December 2001 paper published by his institute entitled, "The USA's National Endowment For Democracy (NED): An Update," Helvey "was an officer of the Defence Intelligence Agency of the Pentagon, who had served in Vietnam and, subsequently, as the US Defence Attaché in Yangon, Myanmar (1983 to 85), during which he clandestinely organized the Myanmarese students to work behind Aung San Suu Kyi and in collaboration with Bo Mya's Karen insurgent group....He also trained in Hong Kong the student leaders from Beijing in mass demonstration techniques which they were to subsequently use in the Tiananmen Square incident of June, 1989" and "is now believed to be acting as an adviser to the Falun Gong, the religious sect of China, in similar civil disobedience techniques." Col. Helvey nominally retired from the army in 1991, but had been working with Albert Einstein and Soros long before then.

Reflecting Albert Einstein's patronage, one of its first books was Dr. Sharp's "Making Europe Unconquerable: The Potential of Civilian-Based Deterrence and Defense," published in 1985 with a forward by George Kennan, the famous "Mr. X" 1940's architect of the Cold War who was also a founder of the CIA's Operations division. There, Sharp reports that "civilian-based defense" could counter the Soviet threat through its ability "to deter and defeat attacks by making a society ungovernable by would be oppressors" and "by maintaining a capacity for orderly self-rule even in the face of extreme threats and actual aggression." He illustrates its feasibility by discussing the examples of the Algerian independence in 1961 and the Czechoslovakian resistance to Soviet invasion in 1968-9. In his forward, Kennan praises Sharp for showing the "possibilities of deterrence and resistance by civilians" as a "partial alternative to the traditional, purely military concepts of national defense." The book was promptly translated into German, Norwegian, Italian, Danish, and other NATO country languages. See the link to the Italian translation of the book (Verso un'Europa Inconquistabile . 190 pp. 1989 Introduction by Gianfranco Pasquino) that sports a series of fashionable sociologists and "politologists" prefacing the book and calling for a civil resistance to a possible Soviet invasion of Italy.

Such formulations suggest that Albert Einstein activities were, ironically, coherent (or, possibly updating) the infamous NATO's "Gladio" stay-behind network, whose purpose was to combat possible Soviet occupation through a panoply of military and non military means. The investigations into Gladio, and those following the 1978 assassination of former Prime Minister Aldo Moro, also shed some light (immediately switched off) on a professional apparatus of destabilization that had been invisible for several decades to the public.

It is noteworthy that the former deputy chief of intelligence for the US Army in Europe, Major General Edward Atkeson, first "suggested the name 'civilian based defense' to Sharp," John M. Mecartney, Coordinator of the Nonviolent Action for National Defense Institute, reports in his group's CBD News and Opinion of March 1991 . By 1985, Gen. Atkeson, then retired from the US Army, was giving seminars at Harvard entitled "Civilian-based Defense and the Art of War.("http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/ponsacs/seminars/TransformingStruggle/defense.htm#Art%20of%20War

The Albert Einstein Institution reports, in its "1994-99 Report on Activities," that Gen. Atkeson also served on Einstein's advisory board in those years. Following his posting as the head of US Army intelligence in Europe, and possibly concurrently with his position at the Albert Einstein Institution, the Washington based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) reports that General Atkeson, who also advised CSIS on "international security." served as "national intelligence officer for general purpose forces on the staff of the director of Central Intelligence." ( http://www.csis.org/experts/4atkeson.htm ).

A 1990 variant of Sharp's book, "Civilian-Based Defense: A Post-Military Weapons System, " the Albert Einstein Institution reports, "was used in 1991 and 1992 by the new independent governments of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in planning their defense against Soviet efforts to regain control."

As we shall see below, with such backing, Col. Helvey and his colleagues have created a series of youth movements including Otpor! in Serbia, Kmara! in Georgia, Pora! in Ukraine, and the like, which are already virally replicating other sects throughout the former Soviet Union, achieving in civilian form what had not been possible militarily in the 1980s. The groups are also spreading to Africa and South America.

And dope too?

Col. Helvey's long experience in Myanmar in training insurgent ethnic minorities in a region that is the center of world opium production raises another question of great bearing on "post modern coups." That is: what is the role of narcotic mafias in facilitating "regime change?" Law enforcement agencies from many nations, including the United States, have long reported that the Balkans is the major narcotics pipeline into Western Europe. Ukraine is said to be a top conduit, as is Georgia. Kyrghyzstan, now at the top of the hit list, is another opium conduit. And George Soros "the Daddy Warbucks of drug legalization," has been the top "private" funder of all the Eastern European and Central Asian insurgent groups, as well as those in Myamar. The spread of such mafias, is, of course, one of the most efficient ways of infiltrating and corrupting government agencies of targeted states.

Col. Helvey is not the only operator with such a background. The head of the OSCE's vote monitoring operation in Ukraine, for example, Geert-Hinrich Ahrens, was German Ambassador to Colombia in the late 1990s, when German secret agent Werner Mauss was arrested for working closely with the narco-terrorist ELN, whose bombings are financed by the cocaine trade. Ahrens was also on the scene in Albania and Macedonia, when the narcotics smuggling Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was created with US and German patronage. And Michael Kozak, the US ambassador whose 2001 effort to overthrow Belarus' Lukachenko failed, had been a top handler of the cocaine-smuggling Contras.

The Serbian virus

The networks and methods used in the Serbian through Ukraine sequence were first publicly revealed in a Washington Post article on Dec. 11, 2000 by Michael Dobbs, entitled. "U.S. Advice Guided Milosevic Opposition Political Consultants Helped Yugoslav Opposition Topple Authoritarian Leader." He reports that:

U.S.-funded consultants played a crucial role behind the scenes in virtually every facet of the anti-Milosevic drive, running tracking polls, training thousands of opposition activists and helping to organize a vitally important parallel vote count. U.S. taxpayers paid for 5,000 cans of spray paint used by student activists to scrawl anti-Milosevic graffiti on walls across Serbia, and 2.5 million stickers with the slogan "He's Finished," which became the revolution's catchphrase.

Some Americans involved in the anti-Milosevic effort said they were aware of CIA activity at the fringes of the campaign, but had trouble finding out what the agency was up to. Whatever it was, they concluded it was not particularly effective. The lead role was taken by the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development, the government's foreign assistance agency, which channeled the funds through commercial contractors and nonprofit groups such as NDI and its Republican counterpart, the International Republican Institute (IRI).

While NDI worked closely with Serbian opposition parties, IRI focused its attention on Otpor, which served as the revolution's ideological and organizational backbone. In March, IRI paid for two dozen Otpor leaders to attend a seminar on nonviolent resistance at the Hilton Hotel in Budapest, a few hundreds yards along the Danube from the NDI-favored Marriott.

During the seminar, the Serbian students received training in such matters as how to organize a strike, how to communicate with symbols, how to overcome fear and how to undermine the authority of a dictatorial regime. The principal lecturer was retired U.S. Army Col. Robert Helvey, who has made a study of nonviolent resistance methods around the world, including those used in modern-day Burma and the civil rights struggle in the American South.

Helvey, who served two tours in Vietnam, introduced the Otpor activists to the ideas of American theoretician Gene Sharp, whom he describes as "the Clausewitz of the nonviolence movement," referring to the renowned Prussian military strategist.

Peter Ackerman, the above-mentioned coup expert analyzed and popularized the methods involved in a 2001 PBS documentary-series and book, "A Force More Powerful : A Century of Nonviolent Conflict," together with retired US Airforce officer Jack DuVall. Focusing on youth organizing, they report:

After the NATO bombing, which had helped the regime suppress opposition, Otpor's organizing took hold with a quiet vengeance. It was built in some places around clubhouses where young people could go and hang out, exercise, and party on the weekends, or more often it was run out of dining rooms and bedrooms in activists' homes. These were "boys and girls 18 and 19 years old" who had lived "in absolute poverty compared to other teenagers around the world," according to Stanko Lazendic, an Otpor activist in Novi Sad. "Otpor offered these kids a place to gather, a place where they could express their creative ideas." In a word, it showed them how to empower themselves.

Otpor's leaders knew that they "couldn't use force on someone who... had three times more force and weapons than we did," in the words of Lazendic. "We knew what had happened in. Tiananmen, where the army plowed over students with tanks." So violence wouldn't work — and besides, it was the trademark of Milosevic, and Otpor had to stand for something different. Serbia "was a country in which violence was used too many times in daily politics," noted Srdja Popovic, a 27 year-old who called himself Otpor's "ideological commissar." The young activists had to use nonviolent methods "to show how superior, how advanced, how civilized" they were.

This relatively sophisticated knowledge of how to develop nonviolent power was not intuitive. Miljenko Dereta, the director of a private group in Belgrade called Civic Initiatives, got funding from Freedom House in the U.S. to print and distribute 5,000 copies of Gene Sharp's book, From Dictatorship to Democracy: A Conceptual Framework for Liberation . Otpor got hold of Sharp's main three-volume work, The Politics of Nonviolent Action, freely adapting sections of it into a Serbian-language notebook they dubbed the "Otpor User Manual." Consciously using this "ideology of nonviolent, individual resistance," in Popovic's words, activists also received direct training from Col. Robert Helvey, a colleague of Sharp, at the Budapest Hilton in March 2000.

Helvey emphasized how to break the people's habits of subservience to authority, and also how to subvert: the regime's "pillars of support," including the police and armed forces. Crucially, he warned them against "contaminants to a nonviolent struggle," especially violent action, which would deter ordinary people from joining the movement: and alienate the international community, from which material and financial assistance could be drawn. As Popovic put it:

"Stay nonviolent and you will get the support of the third party."

That support, largely denied to the Serbian opposition before, now began to flow. Otpor and other dissident groups received funding from the National Endowment for Democracy, affiliated with the U.S. government, and Otpor leaders sat down with Daniel Serwer, the program director for the Balkans at the U.S. Institute for Peace, whose story of having been tear-gassed during an anti-Vietnam War demonstration gave him special credibility in their eyes. The International Republican Institute, also financed by the U.S. government, channeled funding to the opposition and met with Otpor leaders several times. The U.S. Agency for International Development, the wellspring for most of this financing, was also the source of money that went for materials like t-shirts and stickers.

No lack of opportunities for employment

In the aftermath of the Serbian revolution, the National Endowment for Democracy, Albert Einstein Institution, and related outfits helped establish several Otpor-modeled youth groups in Eastern Europe, notably Zubr in Belarus in January 2001; Kmara in Georgia, in April 2003; and Pora in Ukraine in June 2004. Efforts to overthrow Belarus President Alexsander Luschenko failed in 2001, while the US overthrow of Georgian President Eduard Schevardnadze was successfully accomplished in 2003, using Kmara as part of its operation.

Commenting on that expansion, Albert Einstein staffer Chris Miller, in his report on a 2001 trip to Serbia found on the group's website, reports:

Since the ousting of Milosevic, several members of Otpor have met with members of the Belarusian group Zubr (Bison). In following developments in Belarus since early this year, It is clear that Zubr was developed or at least conceptualized, using Otpor as a model. Also, [Albert Einstein's report] From Dictatorship to Democracy is available in English on the Zubr website at www.zubr-belarus.com Of course, success will not be achieved in Belarus or anywhere else, simply by mimicking the actions taken in Serbia. However the successful Serbian nonviolent struggle was highly influenced and aided by the availability of knowledge and information on strategic nonviolent struggle and both successful and unsuccessful past cases, which is transferable.

Otpor focused on building their human resources, especially among youth. An Otpor training manual to "train future trainers" was developed, which contained excerpts from The Politics of Nonviolent Action, provided to Otpor by Robert Helvey during his workshop in Budapest for Serbs in early 2000. It may be applicable for other countries.

And with funding provided by Freedom House and the US government, Otpor established the Center for Nonviolent Resistance, in Budapest, to train these groups. Describing the deployment of this youth movement, Ian Trainor, in the above cited Guardian November 2004 article, reports:

In the centre of Belgrade, there is a dingy office staffed by computer-literate youngsters who call themselves the Centre for Non-violent Resistance. If you want to know how to beat a regime that controls the mass media, the judges, the courts, the security apparatus and the voting stations, the young Belgrade activists are for hire.

They emerged from the anti-Milosevic student movement, Otpor, meaning resistance. The catchy, single-word branding is important. In Georgia last year, the parallel student movement was Khmara. In Belarus, it was Zubr. In Ukraine, it is Pora, meaning high time.

Stickers, spray paint and websites are the young activists' weapons. Irony and street comedy mocking the regime have been hugely successful in puncturing public fear and enraging the powerful.

Last year, before becoming president in Georgia, the US-educated Mr Saakashvili travelled from Tbilisi to Belgrade to be coached in the techniques of mass defiance. In Belarus, the US embassy organised the dispatch of young opposition leaders to the Baltic, where they met up with Serbs travelling from Belgrade. In Serbia's case, given the hostile environment in Belgrade, the Americans organised the overthrow from neighbouring Hungary - Budapest and Szeged.

In recent weeks, several Serbs travelled to the Ukraine. Indeed, one of the leaders from Belgrade, Aleksandar Maric, was turned away at the border.

The Democratic party's National Democratic Institute, the Republican party's International Republican Institute, the US State Department and USAID are the main agencies involved in these grassroots campaigns as well as the Freedom House NGO and billionaire George Soros's Open Society Institute .

An Associated Press article by Dusan Stojanovic, on November 2, 2004, entitled "Serbia's export: Peaceful Revolution," elaborates:

"We knew there would be work for us after Milosevic," said Danijela Nenadic, a program coordinator of the Belgrade-based Center for Nonviolent Resistance. The nongovernmental group emerged from Otpor, the pro-democracy movement that helped sweep Milosevic from power by organizing massive and colorful protests that drew crowds who never previously had the courage to oppose the former Yugoslav president. In Ukraine and Belarus, tens of thousands of people have been staging daily protests -- carbon copies of the anti-Milosevic rallies -- with "training" provided by the Serbian group.

The group says it has "well-trained" followers in Ukraine and Belarus. In Georgia, Ukraine and Belarus, anti-government activists "saw what we did in Serbia and they contacted us for professional training," group member Sinisa Sikman said. Last year, Otpor's clenched fist was flying high on white flags again -- this time in Georgia, when protesters stormed the parliament in an action that led to the toppling of Shevardnadze.

Last month, Ukrainian border authorities denied entry to Alexandar Maric, a member of Otpor and an adviser with the U.S.-based democracy watchdog Freedom House. A Ukrainian student group called Pora was following the strategies of Otpor.

James Woolsey's Freedom House "expressed concern" over Maric's deportation, in an October 14, 2004 release which reported that he was traveling to Ukraine as part of "an initiative run by Freedom House, the National Democratic Institute, and the International Republican Institute to promote civic participation and oversight during the 2004 presidential and 2006 parliamentary elections in Ukraine." In a related statement, it added that it hoped the deportation was not a sign of the Ukrainian government's "unwillingness to allow the free flow of information and learning across borders that is an integral and accepted part of programs to encourage democratic progress in diverse societies around the world."
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ΔημοσίευσηΔημοσιεύθηκε: Τετ Δεκ 17, 2008 1:25 am    Θέμα δημοσίευσης: Απάντηση με παράθεση αυτού του μηνύματος

ΟΧΛΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ-Στρατηγικη Σορος/Μπρεζινσκι/Ομπαμα για Ελλαδα;
Τα γεγονοτα που διαδραματιζονται στην Ελλαδα εχουν εχουν εξυγηθει σ’ενα βιλβιο που εχει εμφανιστη στη Ουασιγκτον με τιτλο ο ‘Ομπαπα το Μεταμοντερνο Πραξικοπημα’ Webster-Tarpley ISBN 978-0930852894

Τα κυρια χαρακτηριστικα στο να οργανωσεις ενα τετιου ειδους πραξικοπηματος χρειαζεσαι πολλα λεφτα για να πληρωσεις φιλοδωρηματα... και τα πεντε στοιχεια παρακατω.

1. ΜΜΕ
Πρεπει να ελεγχεις τουλαχιστον ενα μεγαλο καναλι (πχ. Σκαι με ειδησεις BBC και προγραμματα σαν Ελληνοφρενεια) μαζυ με καθημερινες εφημεριδες, (Ελευθερωτυπια) ραδιοσταθμους (‘καταληψεις’ Πατρα, ΕΡΤ)

2. Οχλοκρατια επι Πληρωμης
Το Πενταγωνο και οι Αμερικανικες Μυστικες Υπηρεσιες εχουν ραφιναρει την τεχνη των μαλακων πραξικοπηματων σε υψηλο επιπεδο. Οι σχεδιαστες του RAND CORPORATION το ονομαζουν ‘ορδες’ και εννουν τις ορδες των νεεων, οι οποιες ειναι ενωμενες με ΣΜΣ και ΙΣΤΟΣΕΛΙΔΕΣ, οι οποιες διευθυνονται αμεσα για να αποσταθερωποιησουν το καθεστως υπο το στοχαστρο.

3. Συμβολα και Συνθηματα
Η Ουκρανια ειχε την Πορτοκαλι Επανασταση, η Γεωργια την ροζ επανασταση, στο Λιβανο που δεν πετυχε ονομαστηκε η επανασταση του δενδρου κεδρος (αφου δεν μπορουσε να αντισταθη την δυναμη της Χεζμπολλαχ), στην Λευκοροσσια με τα τζιν και τις τουλιπες και τα χρωματα μπλε και προφυρο. Μαζυ με τα συμβολα ειναι και τα συνθηματα ‘Φτανει Πια’ , ‘Ηρθε η Ωρα’ και το συνθημα του Ομπαμα ‘Αλλαγη στην Οποια Μπορουμε να Πιστεψουμε’.

4. Παραμυθενιες Ψυφοφοριες και Δημοσκοπησεις
Χρησιμοποιωντας πλαστες ψυφοφοριες και exit poll που οι ιδιοι φτιαχνουν τις δημοσκοπησεις στα μετρα που θελουν. Μια φημηζμενη εταιρια ειναι Penn, Schoen, Berland Associates

5. Ενας Καταλληλος Δημαγωγος
Πρεπει να ειναι νεος και ωραιος, εμφανισημος, να εχει διδαχθει τα Δυτικα συστηματα (Τσιπρας;) να μην εχει αρχες και να θελει να τα οικονομηση...
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